Friday, 11 October 2013
Tuesday, 8 October 2013
Polarization with a difference: Muzaffarnagar Violence
Ram Puniyani
Communal violence has been the bane of Indian society, more so from last three decades. One can see its coming up prominently from 1893 to begin with and then it went through different phases. It became stronger after 1937, peaked in 1946 and then the post partition holocaust shattered the lives of lakhs of people. After a gap of a decade it started coming up again from 1961, Jabalpur violence, later anti Sikh violence of 1984 was not just violence, it was genocide. At different levels after this we see the big surge, Meerut, Maliana, Bhagalpur, Mumbai, Gujarat (post Godhra) being the worst of them. Pre partition it was both communal parties Muslim League-Hindu Mahasabah, and the communal patriarch RSS, which were major players in this dastardly game. This phenomenon led to the polarization along religious lines. This polarization was the hallmark of this violence which kept going up. The stereotypes about ‘other’ community kept worsening up; still the intercommunity rupture was not total or complete. The intensity about adverse sentiments about ‘the other’ went going up gradually, remaining at subcritical level till probably 1992, after which the ghettoisation of minorities started becoming a prominent urban phenomenon, and the misconceptions about minorities became a major part of social common sense. The other observation was that the communal violence, which is the superficial manifestation of politics in the name of religion, is predominantly and urban phenomenon. Many a social scientists made it the fulcrum of their understanding and blamed urbanization as the bane of our society, which was responsible for this type of violence.
As the matters stand after the recent Muzaffarnagar violence, it is clear that communal violence being a major phenomenon in urban areas was just a phase of this process. Having polarized the urban populations, the agenda of communal outfits has now targeted the rural areas. Its implications surely are going to be more disastrous for our nation as a whole and it is time that the dangers are assessed of the trajectory of this process. There are many factors about Muzaffarnagar violence, which should make us sit up and take notice. So far the communal violence in different parts of the country benefitted the RSS-BJP in a major way and the litmus test of this was the increased social presence of RSS affiliates in those areas affected by violence and increase in political strength of BJP in electoral arena. Gujarat is a classic case where after the post Godhra violence, BJP has dug its heels in the state, and RSS affiliates are ruling the streets.
As the political players calculate on the political chess board, this time there were two players who thought they will benefit. On one side from the usual beneficiary, the BJP associates, which in the aftermath of 84 Kosi Parikrama, activated its workers in this game of polarization. The other player the Samajvadi party probably calculated on the similar lines, if Hindu polarization benefits BJP, Muslim polarization should benefit Samajvadi party was their thinking, which let the violence happen. It is also true that since Samajvadi party came to power a year and a half ago, communal violence has gone up in Uttar Pradesh.
In this case of Muzaffarnage violence as the three boys got killed on the pretext of teasing of the girl or a skirmish on the road (there are two versions of the beginning of the episode). There was enough time to see the dangers of such an inter-religious violence and control the same. But that was not to be. The officers in violation of the rules and even the imposition of 144 in the area let the Mahapanchayat of over a lakh people take place. The caste-communal outfits are patriarchal to the core and slogan-theme ‘Bahu Beti Bachao’ (save daughters and daughters-in-laws) was enough for the village Jats to turn up in large numbers with weapons. Communal propaganda is taken to the higher pitch. And so the communal violence enters the villages. And here the BJP communalizes the social space. Though it did not have much base amongst Jats, this occasion was cleverly manipulated to introduce divisive politics. Two factors were made use of. One the image of Modi as the savior of Hindus. Now Jat goes from the caste identity to Hindu identity. In communal politics religious identity is the foremost. The Muslim crowds also confront, play some role in violence but as is the usual case the partisan police machinery does not do its job in an objective manner and the result is a lopsided violence more against minorities, displacement and increase in the sense of insecurity amongst minorities follows.
The Samajvadi party’s gamble will pay or not, time alone will tell.
Ram Puniyani
Communal violence has been the bane of Indian society, more so from last three decades. One can see its coming up prominently from 1893 to begin with and then it went through different phases. It became stronger after 1937, peaked in 1946 and then the post partition holocaust shattered the lives of lakhs of people. After a gap of a decade it started coming up again from 1961, Jabalpur violence, later anti Sikh violence of 1984 was not just violence, it was genocide. At different levels after this we see the big surge, Meerut, Maliana, Bhagalpur, Mumbai, Gujarat (post Godhra) being the worst of them. Pre partition it was both communal parties Muslim League-Hindu Mahasabah, and the communal patriarch RSS, which were major players in this dastardly game. This phenomenon led to the polarization along religious lines. This polarization was the hallmark of this violence which kept going up. The stereotypes about ‘other’ community kept worsening up; still the intercommunity rupture was not total or complete. The intensity about adverse sentiments about ‘the other’ went going up gradually, remaining at subcritical level till probably 1992, after which the ghettoisation of minorities started becoming a prominent urban phenomenon, and the misconceptions about minorities became a major part of social common sense. The other observation was that the communal violence, which is the superficial manifestation of politics in the name of religion, is predominantly and urban phenomenon. Many a social scientists made it the fulcrum of their understanding and blamed urbanization as the bane of our society, which was responsible for this type of violence.
As the matters stand after the recent Muzaffarnagar violence, it is clear that communal violence being a major phenomenon in urban areas was just a phase of this process. Having polarized the urban populations, the agenda of communal outfits has now targeted the rural areas. Its implications surely are going to be more disastrous for our nation as a whole and it is time that the dangers are assessed of the trajectory of this process. There are many factors about Muzaffarnagar violence, which should make us sit up and take notice. So far the communal violence in different parts of the country benefitted the RSS-BJP in a major way and the litmus test of this was the increased social presence of RSS affiliates in those areas affected by violence and increase in political strength of BJP in electoral arena. Gujarat is a classic case where after the post Godhra violence, BJP has dug its heels in the state, and RSS affiliates are ruling the streets.
As the political players calculate on the political chess board, this time there were two players who thought they will benefit. On one side from the usual beneficiary, the BJP associates, which in the aftermath of 84 Kosi Parikrama, activated its workers in this game of polarization. The other player the Samajvadi party probably calculated on the similar lines, if Hindu polarization benefits BJP, Muslim polarization should benefit Samajvadi party was their thinking, which let the violence happen. It is also true that since Samajvadi party came to power a year and a half ago, communal violence has gone up in Uttar Pradesh.
In this case of Muzaffarnage violence as the three boys got killed on the pretext of teasing of the girl or a skirmish on the road (there are two versions of the beginning of the episode). There was enough time to see the dangers of such an inter-religious violence and control the same. But that was not to be. The officers in violation of the rules and even the imposition of 144 in the area let the Mahapanchayat of over a lakh people take place. The caste-communal outfits are patriarchal to the core and slogan-theme ‘Bahu Beti Bachao’ (save daughters and daughters-in-laws) was enough for the village Jats to turn up in large numbers with weapons. Communal propaganda is taken to the higher pitch. And so the communal violence enters the villages. And here the BJP communalizes the social space. Though it did not have much base amongst Jats, this occasion was cleverly manipulated to introduce divisive politics. Two factors were made use of. One the image of Modi as the savior of Hindus. Now Jat goes from the caste identity to Hindu identity. In communal politics religious identity is the foremost. The Muslim crowds also confront, play some role in violence but as is the usual case the partisan police machinery does not do its job in an objective manner and the result is a lopsided violence more against minorities, displacement and increase in the sense of insecurity amongst minorities follows.
The Samajvadi party’s gamble will pay or not, time alone will tell.
Tuesday, 1 October 2013
Monday, 12 August 2013
Decline of Haryana Universities is a matter of serious concern
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20130813/edit.htm#4
Wednesday, 31 July 2013
Friday, 5 July 2013
Monday, 1 July 2013
This book on khap Panchayts has been published by National Book Trust, India, new Delhi. Several students from Delhi University, Punjab University and some journalists are conducting studies on Khaps. However, there is hardly any research material on Khaps is available. This book is result of consistent work and study for last 30 years. Those interested to read this book may procure it from various outlets of NBT or by placing order through local book sellers. At Chandigarh the book may be available from Punjab Book Centre, Sector 22.
Friday, 28 June 2013
Thursday, 20 June 2013
A LETTER TO CHIEF MINISTER
Dated: 08.06.2013
To,
Sh. Bhupinder Singh Hooda
Chief Ministrer
Govt. of Haryana
Chandigarh
SUBJECT: COLLUSIVE CORRUPTION IN IMPLEMENTATION OF MICRO-IRRIGATION SCHEMES IN DEPTT. OF AGRICULTURE & HORTICULTURE.
Hon’ble Sir,
It has already been brought to your kind notice that there is massive
fraud to the tune of more than 200 crores rupees (as per calculation vide my
letter dated 21.01.2013) in the approval of rates of different components of
sprinkler sets, under-ground pipe lines and drip system and large scale swindle
of subsidy through fake and bogus firms through my earlier letters dated
21.01.2013 and 22.09.2012 addressed to your good self. It is painful to point
it out that the scam appears to be well patronized and is in operation through
a well-oiled nexus of politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen.
Through my aforesaid letters I have tried to apprise you about the
details of the systematic loot of the unsuspecting farmers and the state exchequer
by approving the rates of the components of the equipment more than one and a
half time higher than the actual rates as it is evident from a simple
comparison with rates as approved in Gujarat State for the same components with
the same specifications and with the same ISI code as tabulated below:
TABLE No.: 1
|
Sr.No.
|
Name of component
|
ISI Code
|
Units
|
Prices in (Rs.)
|
|
|
Gujarat
|
Haryana
|
||||
|
1.
|
90mmx2.5Kg HDPE pipe with Coupler
|
14151
|
6mtr.
|
508.48
|
852.00
|
|
2.
|
Sprinkler Attachment
|
14151
|
-
|
285.47
|
485.00
|
|
3.
|
Sprinkler Nozzle
|
12232
|
-
|
356.21
|
530.00
|
|
4.
|
90mm dia of 2.5Kg. pressure HDPE base Sprinkler set consisting of 40 ½
pipe and 10 sprinklers
|
-
|
-
|
28529.00
|
48552.00
|
2. As the subsidy is 50% of the cost of set, the farmers in Haryana have to pay about Rs. 24000/-while in Gujarat farmers pay Rs. 14000/- for the same sprinkler set. In this way the farmer in Haryana gets the benefit of about Rs. 4000/- only (28000-24000) while the supplier firm is unduly benefited to the tune of Rs. 20,000/- (48000-28000). This booty of Rs. 20000/- is shared among the supplier firms and corrupt officials of the department. The huge subsidy meant for farmers to enhance the irrigation efficiency is harvested in this way by the functionaries of the soil conservation of agriculture department and their supplier friends and only a tiny part reaches the farmers.
3. Further, more than a six dozen supplier firms have been empanelled
and most of them are brief case fake firms in violation of guidelines of Govt.
of India. As per Gresham’s law of Money, bad money drives good money out of
circulation; likewise the fake firms have driven out the genuine firms out of
market. More than 75% of the subsidy is disbursed to such fake firms hobnobbing
with corrupt officials of the department.
4. Genuine firms are ready and willing to offer lower rates of the equipment comparable to that of Gujarat but surprisingly the officials with vested interest in collusion with the unscrupulous firms have formed a nexus to defeat it. In Horticulture department of Haryana itself renowned M/s Jain Irrigation Company has quoted rates of the various components of drip and mini sprinkler in the same range as that of Gujarat but Horticulture department has played a trick by roping in the unscrupulous firms whose rates have been approved almost double to that of M/s Jain Irrigation. The table as under exposes this story:-
|
Sr.No. |
Components
|
ISI No.
|
Unit
|
M/s Jain Irrigation
|
M/s Harvell Agua
|
M/s Finolex
|
Gujarat Rates
|
|
1.
|
PVC Pipes
|
||||||
|
|
63mm x 4KG
|
4985
|
Mtr.
|
40.40
|
63.00
|
55.30
|
37.28
|
|
|
75mmx4kG
|
4985
|
Mtr.
|
57.85
|
82.00
|
76.70
|
53.80
|
|
2.
|
HDPE Pipes
|
||||||
|
|
63mmx4kg
|
14151
|
Mtr.
|
69.16
|
136.00
|
130.00
|
56.13
|
|
|
75mmx4Kg
|
14151
|
Mtr.
|
97.58
|
194.00
|
180.00
|
97.98
|
|
|
90mmx4Kg.
|
14151
|
Mtr.
|
139.16
|
279.00
|
250.00
|
139.51
|
|
3.
|
Fetilizer Tank with Assembly
|
||||||
|
|
30 Ltrs.
|
MS
|
No.
|
4275.00
|
5000.00
|
5200.00
|
2582.00
|
M/s Jain Irrigation rates are in range of Gujarat rates while the rates
of M/s Harvell Agua a Delhi based firm having its manufacturing unit in
Rewari are almost double than that of M/s Jain Irrigation in Haryana but
it supplies its products in Gujarat just at half the rate of Haryana. There are
several other firms offering arbitrarily exorbitant rates which have been patronized
by the Horticulture Department.
5. Amazingly, the two sister departments headed by the same Principal
Secretary and the same Minister of Agriculture have approved different rates
for the same item of identical specifications in an arbitrary manner. The table
below explains it:
|
Sr.No.
|
Name of Component
|
ISI No.
|
Unit
|
Gujarat Rates
|
Agriculture Deptt. Rates (in Rs.)
|
Horticulture Deptt. Rates (in Rs.)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Jain Irrigation
|
Harvell
|
|
1.
|
PVC Pipes
|
||||||
|
|
75mmx4Kg.
|
4985
|
Mtr.
|
53.58
|
66.00
|
57.85
|
82.00
|
|
|
90mmx4Kg.
|
4985
|
Mtr.
|
74.94
|
96.00
|
81.05
|
114.00
|
|
|
110mmx4Kg
|
4985
|
Mtr.
|
107.32
|
135.00
|
117.20
|
165.00
|
This cannot be merely an oversight rather it smells something foul. Before approving rates for 2012-2013, the undersigned had apprised all the concerned about these on-going arbitrary practices pertaining to approval of rates. Still, continuation of such practice raises serious doubts.
In view of the aforesaid facts I once again request your good self to
kindly examine the whole issue critically in favour of farmers’ interests and
against malpractices of vested interests.
Thanking you,
Yours sincerely,
(RAM KANWAR)
Village: Dulina, PO: Silani
Dist. : Jhajjar
Mobile : 09991522270
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