Sunday 19 May 2013

REPRESSION ON MARUTY WORKERS - D.R.Chaudhry



Unparalleled repression has been launched to break the morale of the Maruti workers. Even those workers who were not present in the premises of Maruti workers on the day of the episode were arrested and put behind bars. Maruti workers and their relatives have been staging dharna at Kaithal for the last several weeks. They decided to take out a procession in support of their demands on May 19. The town was converted into an armed camp with police posted every where- railway station, bus stand, traffic islands etc. and any one suspected of being sympathetic to workers was arrested. There was brutal lathi charge on the demonstrators injuring many. Many were arrested.
Haryana govt. has a battery of prosecutors but it has paid about crore and a half rupees to an expensive lawyer so far to prosecute workers. The govt. is acting as an agent of the industrialists. To launch brutal repression against workers who are backbone of our economy is the most undemocratic and fascistic step. This is Haryana democracy in its most perverse form.

Thursday 9 May 2013

प्योर गोत्र का कंसेप्ट झूठा


प्योर गोत्र का कंसेप्ट झूठा 
मुझे बहुत ही गर्व था अपने राठी होने पर
उससे ज्यादा दर्द हुआ पवित्रता के खोने पर 
मग़र एक दिन पता चला यह झूठ है 
वैज्ञानिक आधार पर प्योर का ये कंसेप्ट 
गोत्र के बारे में सही नहीं ठहराते हैं

मानो दो सौ साल पहले मेरे वंसज हुए
राठी और हुड्डा मेरे पिता साइड के गोत्र
पूनिया श्योरान मेरे माता साइड के गोत्र
उनकी संतान राम सिंह जिसका नाम
राम सिंह राठी हुड्डा पूनिया श्योरान हुआ
फिर राम सिंह की शादी राम कली से हुई
रामकली दहिया मलिक खत्री गुलिया थी
राम सिंह राम कली ने रोशनी को जनमा

रोशनी हुई राठी हुड्डा पूनिया श्योरान
दहिया मलिक खत्री गुलिया उसका नाम
इस तरह आठवीं पीढी तक आते आते
पाँच सौ बारा गोत्रों का मिश्रण राठी

दसवीं पीढ़ी तक पहुंचा तो दो हजार
अड़तालीस गोत्रों का बना बढ़िया घोल
इस तरह खुल गयी राठी प्योर खून की पोल
और मुझे प्योरिटी खोकर धक्का लगा

विज्ञानं और वैज्ञानिकों पर गुस्सा जागा
मग़र क्या हो सकता है सच तो सच है
प्योर राठी का खून नहीं दौड़ रहा मेरे में
बहुत अफ़सोस हुआ है मुझे यह जानकर
समाज के संस्कृति के ठेकेदारों ने क्यूं
ढोंग रचाया गोत्र की पवित्रता का इतना
कहीं सुनते हो तो मुझे जवाब चाहिए
मेरी जिज्ञासा का समाधान जतायिये - डा. रणबीर सिंह दहिया 

Tuesday 7 May 2013

Poignant writings on widowhood in Hindu society



review by D. R. Chaudhry
Shadow Lives — Writings on Widowhood.
Edited by Uma Chakravarti and Preeti Gill. Kali for Women, 

New Delhi. Pages x + 490. Rs 295
THE book under review is an important treatise on the heart-rending plight of widows in the patrilineal Hindu society. The critique delineates the oppressive structures that give rise to oppressive traditions. The book is arranged in three parts: Hindu scriptures dealing with prescriptions, injunctions and laws concerning widows and 19th and 20th century documents dealing with widows; personal narratives of widows; and finally creative writings of Indian writers on the subject of widowhood.
Kautilya’s Arthashastra and other Hindudharamashastras especially the Manusmriti, prescribe harsh injunctions for widows. A widow is denied the use of honey, meat, salt, pungent condiments, ornaments, perfumes, flowers, dyed clothes and all other things of life normally cherished by women. She is to eat only once a day, sleep on the floor and observe celibacy and numerous fasts. She is tonsured by a barber at regular intervals.
Among numerous documents dealing with widows in 19th and 20th century, a few deserve special notice. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, a crusader for widows’, cause in 19-century Bengal, makes a forceful plea for widow remarriage and argues thatshastras sanction it. He said it was an unmitigated evil as it led to prostitution, adultery, and foeticide. Tarabai Shinde’s essay is a remarkable piece of polemical writing defending widows. Such was the wrath it incurred in our male-dominated society that she never wrote anything else thereafter. Pandita Ramabai’s piece makes a scathing attack on the double standards of a society that prescribes different moral codes for men and women.

Jyotiba Phule blames the "Aryan institution" for the misery heaped on widows. Dayanand Saraswati advocates niyoga (levirate union). The views of Mahatma Gandhi on the issue can be described as either interesting or disturbing, depending on the way one looks at them. He finds widowhood a symbol of renunciation and regards "widow’s life as an ornament to Hinduism" as patient suffering is impossible to rival", and thus "God created nothing finer than the Hindu widow". However, he is against child marriage and recommends remarriage for a child widow. He pleads that man too, like woman, should not remarry and thus "widows would not feel life to be a burden". The section is rounded off with extracts from a report of a study sponsored by the National Commission for Women in 1996 on the condition of the widows in Vrindavan. The graphic description of the pathetic condition of more than 5000 widows in and around Vrindavan makes the views of Mahatma Gandhi look more sentimental than rational. Most of these widows have just one piece of clothing to cover themselves, beg outside the temples and get Rs 2 per day, a fistful of rice and a pinch of salt for singing bhajans in three shifts in bhajan ashrams.
Part IIof the book deals with personal narratives of a number of widows, including those who lost their husbands during Partition, the Telangana Movement and the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. It includes a piece dealing with the remarkable courage shown by Anandibai Karve in facing early widowhood and her subsequent marriage with the well-known 19th-century Maharastrian social reformer D.K. Karve that created a furore. Karve established the Widow Marriage Association to break public resistance to such marriages and believed that education alone would help a Hindu widow withstand social prejudice. The section includes the harrowing account of several widow inmates of Vrindavan hailing from different parts of India.
The travails of Durga Bhabi, wife of Bhagwati Charan Vohra, an associate of Bhagat Singh, speak of her unbounded courage in the face of adversities. When her husband died in a bomb blast, she met Mahatma Gandhi to seek his intervention with the British Government in getting Bhagat Singh’s and his comrades’ death sentences commuted. The meeting was a disaster: She served jail term, moved to Delhi in 1937 and became the DCC President. Then she moved to Ghaziabad to live with her son and died in February 2000, "looking on at the collapse of India she struggled to create". Similar is the account of Jaggi Devi, a widow, who married Baba Ram Chander, a legendary figure in the Peasant Movement in Avadh. She participated in the movement and died in dire poverty after India became independent. Another story is that of Dudala Salamma who participated in the Telangana Movement. Then follow the agonising stories of three Sikh women whose husbands were brutally murdered in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and of a Christian teacher living in Srinagar whose husband, a Kashmiri Brahmin, was gunned down by terrorists.
The final section dealing with creative writings has as many as 22 pieces by known Indian writers in different Indian languages. It is virtually a galaxy of India’s creative luminaries ranging from Rabindranath Tagore and Munshi Prem Chand to Sunil Gangophadhyaya and Mahasweta Devi. Writings of Mahadevi Varma, Jainedra Kumar, M.K. Indira, Rajinder Singh Bedi, Indira Goswami, Razia Sajjad Zaheer, Mrinal Pandey and others also feature in this section. Literature, it is said, mirrors life. However, this section mirrors the misery of widows more poignantly and powerfully than the actual narratives. Besides Rajinder Singh Bedi’s piece from his classic Ek Chadar Maili Si, a masterly treatment of levirate marriage, and Mahadevi Verma’s extract from her memoirs stressing the need for women to take pride in their own identities, this reviewer finds Bibhutibhushan Bandopadhyay’s Dramomoyee Goes to Kashi and Mahasweta Devi’s Rudaliexceptionally powerful pieces of writing on Indian widowhood. The old widow in Bibhutibushan’s story is taken to Kashi by her grandson to die there so as to ensure her passage to heaven. She lives in the neighbourhood of another pious widow whose preoccupation with ensuring a better birth in the next life is beyond the comprehension of this simple peasant woman. It creates situations hilarious as well as pathetic and she finds peace only when she returns to her village, back in the company of her cow, Mungli, and fruit trees in her humble orchard.
Mahasweta Devi’s Rudali is a moving portrait of two widows who join hands to act as professional mourners for lecherous zamindars after their death. It is a powerful critique of a socio-economic system which renders widows vulnerable to exploitation at the hands of zamindars, moneylenders, priests and their touts.
A lot has been written on the plight of Indian widows, especially of the higher castes. The book under review is one of the best on the subject and is a must-read for those who want to know what the real life of a Hindu widow is like.

Female infanticide and falling status of women


by D. R. Chaudhry

PATRIARCHY
 in social organisation has been the dominant reality to define the nature of gender relations in human society that rendered it male-dominated in most parts of the world since the dawn of human civilisation. Much has changed since the primitive times but the male dominated ethos still holds sway. In spite of all the advances made in the field of woman emancipation, male hegemony is still the dominant reality.
The Divine Right of Kings theory gave unlimited arbitrary powers to the kings in Europe. The French thinker Rousseau in his Theory of Social Contract first of all, cogently challenged this. The liberative core of the ideas of thinkers like Rousseau, Voltair and others led to social churning culminating into the French Revolution in 1789. Liberty, Equality and Fraternity were the basic postulates of this great social upheaval. This finally led to the democratic form of governance in Europe that enabled the people to elect their own rulers through voting. However, equality, one of the moving ideas behind the social churning, eluded women for a long time and they acquired the right to vote quite late in several European countries after arduous struggle. Moreover, equality, in substantial terms, still eludes them.

The USA is one of the most developed and educated parts of the world. The egalitarian principle as symbolised in the gigantic Statue of Liberty in New York is supposed to be the moving force in American society. But women there are still clubbed with the socially deprived and marginalised sections like African-Americans, Asian-Americans, Native Americans, Hispanics, etc. that go by the appellation of minorities. The policy of the affirmative action has been followed since the days of President Kenned. It gives preference to these groups in matter of employment, admission in educational institutions, allotment of government contracts, etc. Unlike India, there is no quota system and the Federal and state governments have devised their own methods to provide relief to these groups. In spite of all this, the American society is very much in the grip of white male domination.

Woman’s lot still continues to be at a disadvantage in the developed parts of the world like Europe and North America. The situation is much worse in developing countries. The problem has been further compounded in India where the powerful scriptural authority has been invoked to downgrade woman.

A shaloka in Rig Veda reads: “Women have unsteady brains. They are not trustworthy”. Manusmrity, a basic Brahminical text to define the cantours of social organisation, says: “A girl, a young woman or even an old woman should not do anything independently. In childhood, a woman should be under her father’s control, in youth her husband’s, and when her husband is dead, under her son’s. She should not have independence.” The Biblical idea of woman as a weaker vessel, open to temptation and Hamlet’s anguished cry over his mother’s perfidy equating woman with frailty (Frailty, thy name is woman) get much more concrete expression in the Hindu scriptures. Right from womb to the tomb, woman has to traverse this long journey under the male hegemony. Ram Charit Manas of Goswami Tulsidas has a powerful impact on the Indian psyche and therein woman has been clubbed with “Shudras, animals and the uncivilised who need to be thrashed.” The veil has been a symbol of ignorance and darkness that needs to be cast aside if one has to have the glimpse of the ultimate reality as stressed by Waris Shah and Mira. However, this veil (ghunghat) fell to the share of woman in India.

An attempt to understand the nature of gender relations can be facilitated by referring to the concept of the ideal womanhood. Sita and Draupadi are the two towering women in Indian mythology and folklore. Sita, the consort of Rama in Ramayana, is gentle, docile and submissive. She symbolises the purity of spirit as well as the body. Her unshakable fidelity and devotion to her husband marks her out as an exceptional woman. Draupadi, the consort of five Pandavas in the Mahabharata, stands in sharp contrast to Sita. She is aggressive, assertive and self-willed. She is conscious of her rights and fights valiantly for them. Her knowledge of the affairs of the world is remarkable and her debating and argumentative skill exceptional. She would not meekly submit to a man because he happens to be her husband.

Who should be the ideal woman out of the above two? Dr Ram Manohar Lohia who did seminal thinking on the issue of oppression in Indian society voted for Draupadi and it is difficult to discount his arguments. He wanted to start a debate on the topic that India’s ideal woman was Draupadi and not Sita or Savitri. The Indian society could not advance, argued Lohia, so long as half of its population was cast in the image of Sita. Crusaders for the downtrodden like Jyotiba Phule and Ramasamy Naicker exhorted women to come forward and assert their identity. Mahatma Gandhi laid due emphasis on woman uplift. However, in spite of all efforts made by numerous social reformers and thinkers, the depressed state of the Indian woman continues to stick out like a sore thumb, thanks to the inexorable operation of the patriarchal structures in society. Her image as an ‘abla’— a hapless creature — persist as conveyed by the well-known Hindi poet, Maithli Sharan Gupt: “Abla jeewan haai tumhari yehi kahani/ anchal mein hai dudh aur ankh mein pani.” (Milk in breast and tears in eyes. This is the story of hapless woman). Myths depict Indian woman as tender, passive and helpless while the male counterpart symbolises activism, sternness and physical valour. Myth represents reality in its heightened form and is not its replica. Often, it is at variance with social reality.

Haryana is primarily an agrarian society and its towns too are like villages with modern facilities. There is not a single town in the state that has the ambience and culture of a metropolitan centre. In such a social milieu, a woman’s sensibility is very much shaped by agrarian lifestyle. A Haryanvi woman is not a soft creature as reflected in the Indian myths. She does not very much burdened by scriptural authority and Brahminical value system. However, male-dominated ethos still holds sway in Haryana society as human relations are governed by patriarchal structures.

In a male-dominated social ethos, the quest for a male child is incessant while the female child is treated as a curse. Haryana folklore crudely depicts female child as highly unwanted. An example or two would suffice here. “Chhora mare nirbhag ka, chhori mare bhagvan ki” (One who loses a son is unlucky and one who loses a daughter is god-like), or “Dunia mein do garib batae, aek beti, aek bail” (There are two lowly creatures in the world: a daughter and a drought bull). This mindset is reflected in the declining social status of woman in Haryana.

Sex ratio is an important indicator of gender relations. South Asia is the least gender sensitive region in the world. The global ratio (excluding South Asia) of female to male is 106 while in South Asia there are only 94 women per 100 men. Haryana’s record is shocking in this respect.

As per 1991 census, the female-male ratio in Haryana is 865: 1000. The latest figure is much worse. It is the worst in the world and negates the popular image of Haryana as a modern, progressive state. Even sub-Saharan African countries like Zimbabwe, Kenya, and Ghana marked by famines, epidemics, civil wars and political instability, present a better record. Material advance is no guarantee of the healthy gender relations. Per capita income in Kerala is much lower than the one in Haryana but Kerala can match any advanced country in matter of indicators like sex ratio, access to education, health services etc.

Female infanticide in the form of foetal genocide is rampant in Haryana. Clinics conducting sex-determining tests have mushroomed all over the state. Now vans fitted with necessary equipment visit villages to destroy female foetus. The latest figures show an all-time low of 861 women per 1000 men in Haryana.

The gross distortion in sex ratio in Haryana has created an explosive situation. It is likely to have devastating consequences in times to come. The unsustainable imbalance in the sex ratio is fast reviving the outdated, hideous custom of ‘atta-satta’ (exchange of brides between two families) in some areas. The green revolution has reached its plateau and there is crisis in agriculture in the state. The lifting of quantitative restrictions on import of many items relating to agriculture and dairy as a consequence of the WTO regime and the gradual dismantling of the minimum support price mechanism for the agricultural produce by restricting the role of the Food Corporation of India would further compound the problem. The fragmentation of land holdings has rendered agricultural operations unviable in case of the most of the peasant families in the state. This has rendered the employment scene in rural Haryana too dismal for words. There is no industrialisation worth the name in the state to absorb the unemployed youth. The state government is rubbing salt into the wound by taxing the unemployed youth to bolster its financial position. An application form for the post of a constable has been priced at Rs 500. The unemployment coupled with dim prospect of matrimonial alliance has made the rural youth restive. This finds expression in the rising crime graph in the state. Several dozen young men from Baas village in Hansi subdivision are lodged in Hisar jail to face trial under different charges. When the Haryana Chief Minister visited the village as a part of the programme of ‘sarkar apke dwar’ (government at your door step) and asked for the demands, the village demanded setting up of sub-jail in their villages to obviate the trouble of going all the way to the district headquarters to meet their wards in the jail.
The UNO’s Fourth Conference on Women held at Beijing, the capital of China, in 1995 laid down nine major concerns for women like education, health, violence against women, women and property etc. Haryana’s rulers have been most insensitive about a girl’s share in the parental property. The Central Government passed the Hindu Succession Act in 1956, putting a daughter on a par with a son in matter of parental property. The Haryana Assembly passed a resolution in 1967 requesting the Central Government to change the Act. However, the then Indira government refused to oblige. A similar resolution was passed in 1979. The President of India withheld his assent to it.
The growing assertion of the khap panchayat in matter of marriage between consenting individuals in the recent past is enigmatic. Kangaroo courts are held and barbaric judgement like liquidation of the couple, tonsuring their heads in public, ostracising them from the community, depriving them of their right to property and residence in the village, etc. are passed if a particular marriage is suspected of violating certain norms thought to be sacrosanct by the panchayat mukhias.
A parallel judicial system is emerging in Haryana. It is again the girl who suffers most in this medieval system of justice.

There is an urgent need for gender-specific development paradigm to correct the pervasive gender inequities in our society. The hope of male generosity in this matter is misplaced as is evident from the fate being meted out to the proposed bill on reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and in state legislatures. Women have to work out their own salvation. They have to organise themselves and struggle, with active help from the enlightened section of the male population. No society can acquire dynamism if almost half of its population is kept in a state of servitude. 



Monday 6 May 2013

A talk on ‘Role of Civil Society in Inclusive and Accountable Governance’ by Mr. Nikhil Dey.


After formation of separate state in 1966, Haryana has made rapid progress in agriculture and infra-structure. However, inspite of this progress, the state is on brink of serious crisis. Stagnation in agriculture, mounting unemployment, rising crime against women and weaker sections, caste oriented tension, skewed sex ratio etc. are some of the examples of this crisis. Material growth has taken place in the state without requisite growth in cultural advancement and this mismatch is major contradiction in Haryana society without resolving which there can be neither healthy society nor people oriented polity.
Haryana Insaaf Society has been formed with active involvement of social activists from all over the state to launch the movement for transforming Haryana as a state with rational and healthy society.
Inaugural function of Haryana Inssaf Society will take place in its newly acquired office as per the schedule given below:
Date         : 12.05.2013 (Sunday)
Time         : 11.00 AM
Venue        : Dahiya House, Tilak Nagar (Opposite Tau Devi Lal Park, Sector 1 Rohtak- just behind Prabhat Vatika – a marriage palace, Delhi Road-Shiela Byepass-Astal Boar )      
Chief Guest  : Mr. Nikhil Dey, Co-founder of Majdoor Kisan Shakti Sangthan (MKSS) alongwith Ms. Aruna Roy.
Main feature : A talk on ‘Role of Civil Society in Inclusive and Accountable Governance’ by Mr. Nikhil Dey.
You are cordially invited to attend it.